{"id":44052,"date":"2024-12-02T21:18:06","date_gmt":"2024-12-02T21:18:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/?p=44052"},"modified":"2025-01-22T14:56:04","modified_gmt":"2025-01-22T14:56:04","slug":"behind-the-great-firewall-china","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/culture-media\/technology\/behind-the-great-firewall-china\/","title":{"rendered":"Behind the ‘Great Firewall of China’"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

When people in the west envision China\u2019s internet culture, it\u2019s often as a cold, heavily censored<\/a> space where the government monitors every word, ensuring that no dissent sees light. While censorship undeniably shapes China\u2019s online environment, viewing it as purely oppressive oversimplifies a complex reality. In fact, it buzzes with political conversation \u2013 sometimes indirect, frequently subversive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As in the west, censorship operates on multiple levels. Boundaries blur between state mandates, platforms\u2019 policies and users\u2019 self-censorship \u2013 a complex web that challenges the idea of censorship as a monolith. From this intricate dance Chinese netizens creatively express themselves without crossing lines that invite trouble. The Great Firewall<\/a> may stand tall, but China\u2019s internet is far from compliant; paradoxically, censorship has spurred an explosion of ingenuity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Moral panic<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The internet made its debut in China in 1994, amid a wider context of economic reform and opening to global markets. By 1997, as politicians worried about foreign influence infiltrating through the web, the term Great Firewall had emerged to describe China\u2019s internet filtering and blocking system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2000, then-president Jiang Zemin told a journalist<\/a>: \u2018We hope people will learn a lot of useful things from the internet. However, sometimes there is also unhealthy material \u2013 especially pornography \u2013 which does great harm to our youngsters.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His words reflect China\u2019s conservative moral stance, which is embedded in Confucianism\u2019s emphasis<\/a> on strict social roles. Such concerns are neither new nor exclusive to China. Western countries also grapple with regulating erotic content online, with moral panics around platforms from OnlyFans<\/a> to TikTok<\/a> prompting new measures, like the UK\u2019s controversial 2023 Online Safety Act<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China\u2019s approach is far more rigid, however, with the government favouring a one size-fits-all solution: an outright ban. So, since 2016, the Cyberspace Administration of China has been initiating<\/a> annual \u2018clear internet campaigns\u2019 to target a wide range of content \u2013 far more than pornography.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sensitive words<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The party-state plays a lead role<\/a> in ensuring websites follow its guidance. By controlling access to global platforms like Facebook, Google and Twitter, China has fostered a separate digital ecosystem with platforms such as WeChat, Baidu, Weibo and Douyin (known as TikTok outside China). Each platform also creates and enforces its own protocols, often erring on the side of caution to pre-emptively remove content and avoid potential regulatory repercussions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In his 2000 interview, when asked why some international media were also banned, Jiang Zemin elaborated: \u2018We hope to restrict as much as possible information not conducive to China\u2019s development.\u2019 The interview itself has been scrubbed from China\u2019s internet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Internet users are not passive recipients of official restrictions<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But internet users are not passive recipients of official restrictions. President Jiang\u2019s image lives on in memes, where he is represented as a toad<\/a> (\u86e4) emoji due to his distinctive black-frame glasses and demeanour. Netizens mock this political figure to subtly challenge authority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The creative use of homophones and euphemisms has created a \u2018sensitive word culture<\/a>\u2019 in China\u2019s cyberspace. For example, internet users replaced \u2018\u653f\u5e9c, zh\u00e8ngf (government)\u2019 with its acronym \u2018ZF\u2019. Elsewhere, \u2018\u6c11\u4e3b, m\u00ednzh , (democracy)\u2019 becomes a homophonic but nonsense word \u2018\u76bf\u716e\u2019 (boiling in a dish). Even if these neutral terms are open to discussion online, netizens\u2019 fear of censorship makes them use indirect words in everyday conversations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

TikTok users also alter language<\/a> to avoid detection, discussing racism by swapping \u2018white\u2019 for emojis like toilet paper or tooth. These moves echo creative responses<\/a> to Instagram\u2019s censorship of women\u2019s nipples globally, through image filters, or stickers and emoji coverings that avoid censorship \u2013 while drawing attention to it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Online\/offline resistence<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In April 2022, lockdown in Shanghai sparked<\/a> a poignant moment of overt protest. The video \u2018Voice of April\u2019, capturing citizens\u2019 frustrations towards zero-Covid policies, was posted, removed and repeatedly uploaded by users altering footage, f lipping images and so on in attempts to outmanoeuvre censors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Later that year, a fire in \u00dcr\u00fcmqi, Xinjiang, ignited public outrage as citizens blamed strict lockdown policies for hindering rescue efforts. Demonstrators held up blank sheets<\/a> of A4 paper to symbolise speech stifled by censorship. Online, users changed their profile pictures to blank squares, echoing the message. Reminiscent of movements like #BlackOutTuesday<\/a>, where social media users posted black squares as profile photos following the 2000 murder of George Floyd in Minnesota, the \u2018white paper\u2019 protest blended frustration and irony: saying nothing became the loudest statement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On Halloween 2023, Shanghai residents used the western holiday to protest through meme and live performance. Some parodied<\/a> Covid officers. Delivery riders re-enacted their harsh conditions through viral videos. Others \u2018enacted\u2019 the country\u2019s rising unemployment crisis. Rather than crack down, the government of China\u2019s most open city called it<\/a> \u2018an opportunity for young people to have fun, express themselves and release pent-up emotions\u2019 \u2013 a relaxed signal in handling public discontent by then.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Queer and feminist fightback<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Amid these broader movements, marginalised groups navigate tighter spaces. When #MeToo gained traction and subsequent censorship in China in 2018, for example, netizens turned to \u2018Rice Bunny (\u7c73 \u5154),<\/a>\u2019 a homophone for \u2018Me Too\u2019 in Chinese, to tell stories of harassment and abuse \u2013 often implicating high ranking officials, TV presenters, and professors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

LGBTQ+ content, though not outright banned, frequently disappears from the internet without explanation. In 2021, for example, WeChat shuttered LGBTQ+ student society accounts without warning \u2013 and those who voiced outrage found posts swiftly deleted. As activist Qiuyan wrote<\/a> for Red Pepper<\/em>, the move marked a new phase in the ongoing suppression of grassroots LGBTQ+ groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet creativity still flourishes. Queer influencers on short-video platforms are amassing millions of followers through manipulating algorithms<\/a>. Gay men use terms<\/a> like \u2018jiyou (\u57fa\u53cb),\u2019 a playful twist meaning \u2018butt buddy,\u2019 to describe same-sex relationships under censors\u2019 radars. On Zhihu, a Quora-like platform, gay men feel protected<\/a> knowing their coded content is algorithmically curated \u2013 and therefore unlikely to register broader public scrutiny.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All these creativities are not to minimise China\u2019s internet controls, especially when the state is intensifying repression on expressions. In October, for example, a new round of clear internet campaigns began targeting<\/a> puns, memes and homophones. Offline, Halloween in Shanghai saw not costumed parodies as last year but real officers<\/a> policing the streets and making arrests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But as crackdowns erase one layer of creative resistance, new forms inevitably arise, adapting to restrictions like water finding cracks in stone. The message is clear: while control may tighten, the drive to communicate \u2013 to claim space for one\u2019s voice \u2013 endures, an indomitable pulse that no wall can fully contain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article first appeared in Issue #246\u00a0Extremely Online<\/em>. Subscribe<\/a> today to support independent socialist media and get your copy hot off the press!<\/h3>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Jiannan Shi reports on China\u2019s internet censorship \u2013 and the creative ways people are finding to sidestep it<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":43996,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2526,685,295],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-44052","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-asia","category-media","category-technology"],"yoast_head":"\nBehind the 'Great Firewall of China' - Red Pepper<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Jiannan Shi reports on China\u2019s internet censorship \u2013 and the creative ways people are finding to sidestep it\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/culture-media\/technology\/behind-the-great-firewall-china\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Behind the 'Great Firewall of China' - 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