{"id":38840,"date":"2023-10-10T22:28:58","date_gmt":"2023-10-10T21:28:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/?p=38840"},"modified":"2023-11-05T11:17:36","modified_gmt":"2023-11-05T11:17:36","slug":"discussing-the-rise-of-the-definite-left","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/political-parties-and-ideologies\/socialism\/discussing-the-rise-of-the-definite-left\/","title":{"rendered":"Definitely maybe? The rise of the ‘definite’ left"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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What is the ‘definite left’?<\/h2>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n
\n

A new development of radical and progressive green politicians working with centrists in the US and Germany<\/p>\n\n\n\n

They grasp that economic improvement needs empowered people, so they are real DEmocrats<\/strong>. They are FemINIsts<\/strong> who practise human equality, and most distinctive of all, TheyExist<\/strong> \u2013 they are not outside official politics<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The politics of the definite left is distinguished by its ecological commitment, its feminist culture, its support for real democracy \u2013 not paternalism or Labourism \u2013 and its exercise of power in alliance with the traditional centre<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Dear Anthony,<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Thank you for sharing your article<\/a>. It\u2019s rare today to find something optimistic at this end of the political spectrum. Just the effort of defining a progressive perspective is invaluable. Political thought should always contain an intention to transform. The case you set out is that a kind of consensus about the possibility of progressive change has emerged. I like it a lot.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I agree there is now an opportunity. The Wild Republican Boys are losing ground in the US. Bolsonaro lost in Brazil. Moreover, I agree with you about the Biden presidency. It is a slow but steady movement in the right direction; disguised by media noise, it has made important improvements almost silently, in a pragmatic way.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The new progressive agenda (ecology, feminism, human rights and demands for a fairer society) has a chance to consolidate popular support in many countries and to defeat the right-wing agenda of nationalism and pseudo- traditionalism. At the same time, this is where the main problem, even the main danger, starts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I apologise for my old-fashioned Marxism, but as a progressive agenda it is too vague. It works with abstract political ideas and addresses too many social and national groups. Often it contradicts the interests of those it is supposed to support. Coal mining is bad for the environment, so mines have been closed in western Europe, which is then dependent on Russian gas. This helped trigger Putin\u2019s invasion of Ukraine, because the little guy was confident \u2018western snowflakes\u2019 would prefer economic cosiness and their \u2018liberal progressive rhetoric\u2019 was worthless.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That was Putin\u2019s mistake. But it was not the liberal progressive countries who led the anti-Putin coalition. It was Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Romania, plus British Brexiters. And one of the most effective tools of the economic resistance to Putin is in part a return to coal, nuclear, etc. From a progressive \u2018definite left\u2019 perspective, this solution is absolutely right because victory against Russian evil is necessary. But it opposes one of the most important elements of the \u2018progressive agenda\u2019: the environmental one.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One reason far-right populism is so attractive is it disguises itself as \u2018practical\u2019 in opposition to the vague, wishful thinking world of \u2018liberals\u2019 and \u2018leftists\u2019. A lie, of course, but the Trumps and Farages are far more effective at this kind of rhetoric than progressives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

My main doubt, however, lies in the field of strategy. Definite left is a very good tactical idea; it could be advantageous in immediate political campaigns. But what next? Democratic procedures and institutions are defended and strengthened. Some of the most urgent environmental and social legislation is passed. But then the different social and political groups that form such a \u2018progressive coalition\u2019 will separate and take different directions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Middle-class representatives will prefer the old-new status quo \u2013 a refined, fairer version of late capitalism. But those who are unhappy with the system itself will be disappointed. And they are the majority. Let\u2019s call them the precariat or anything else, it doesn\u2019t matter: the people outside western and central Europe, the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand who work without contracts. For them, even in an improved and refined form, the capitalist system does not contain any real hope.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soon, they are likely to understand that \u2018progressive coalitions\u2019 (and even \u2018definite lefts\u2019) are not \u2018their\u2019 proper political representation. They need practical improvement in their lives but also a clear perspective that leads to a different world in which they could play a better role, not as individuals but as social (ethnic, religious, etc) groups. Only a new kind of socialist idea, with the powerful image of a better future, can satisfy such \u2013 still undefined \u2013 aspirations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dear Kirill,<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

I\u2019m honoured to be in correspondence with you. Your account in Granta of the day your country invaded the land of your partner is desperately moving. So I hesitate to disagree. But you see the definite left as a repeat of traditional reformism, bound to frustrate the majority around the world who want to replace the existing system \u2013 your emphasis. But the approach of the definite left is not just tactical.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Socialism as an ideology has been trounced and the historic left utterly defeated. Nonetheless, since the 1970s, \u2018organic\u2019 forces have resisted ultra-capitalism\u2019s market priorities. These forces, now being expressed in the US by the definite left, have an intrinsic \u2018system consciousness\u2019 (of what western Marxists used to call \u2018the totality\u2019). Ecological understanding is fundamental to this. Feminism, human rights, intersectionality, holistic medical health, including pandemic responses \u2013 each is about connectedness as well as self-interest. The immense technological creations of modernity, such as cyberspace, may threaten but also empower us socially.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The younger generation especially see things \u2018as a whole\u2019 and seek to change society as a system. But their system-consciousness has not come about thanks to socialism and it need not be expressed as a desire for socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As an example of how the emerging definite left is characterised by its passion for connectedness, I quote Elizabeth Warren: \u2018Americans understand that the economic well- being of families is inextricably linked to democracy and to individual rights.\u2019 My emphasis. She is not exceptional in making the link. I describe it as the \u2018double-helix\u2019 that joins democratic empowerment with economic and social improvement. Such a combination provides the \u2018DNA\u2019 of definite left politics and will ensure it lives and grows. So I see it as potentially transformative, not merely tactical.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Socialism as an ideology has been trounced. Nonetheless, \u2018organic\u2019 forces, now being expressed in the US by the \u2018definite left\u2019, have resisted ultra-capitalism\u2019s market priorities<\/strong> \u2013
ANTHONY BARNETT<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Does the majority see the answer as socialism? Or \u2018socialisms\u2019 in the plural, as Raymond Williams<\/a> suggested (before he moved on to the more multi-dimensional concept of livelihood)? Jon Alexander, the author of Citizens, agrees a revolutionary citizens\u2019 movement is under way but says it must not be seen as left wing at all. Greens want capitalism constrained to save the planet from the environmental emergency but refuse a class-based politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Is capitalism compatible with genuine democracy? That\u2019s the heart of the issue. China shows modern capitalism can be governed \u2013 if the state is authoritarian. In Taking Control! I argue the only way to find out if it can be governed democratically is by our developing real democracy under capitalism. It presents a challenge to, not a reform of capitalism, i.e. \u2018the system\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Also, such processes will be ineluctably national. We two are helpless spectators of our respective homelands. Both Russia and England need ordinary democratic revolutions, to relieve our neighbours and the wider world of a bellicose desire for \u2018greatness\u2019 and also so that Russians and the English have a chance to be definitely left.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dear Anthony,<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

First, thank you for the opportunity to discuss what is the most important contemporary concept, namely \u2018change\u2019. \u2018Change\u2019 as an idea and especially as an image (not to say \u2018myth\u2019) has been appropriated by second-class political speechwriters and commercial advertising. It is labelled as something positive and desirable. \u2018Our society needs change\u2019, \u2018We are waiting for changes!\u2019 (a line from the most popular rock anthem of Soviet perestroika).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such \u2018change\u2019 is empty. Individually and collectively it is an expression of an almost hysterical, convulsive wish to get rid of boring, annoying and oppressive routine. In Russia, the birth of public discussion grew out of the instinctive need for change on a personal level that I have tracked among a half- dozen authors from the end of the 18th century to the first half of the 19th (from Karamzin to Herzen). Absolutely opposite trends of political thinking, from socialism to ultra-conservatism, grew from the same seed of internal tiredness and exasperation with the everyday empty routines of the bureaucratic Russian empire.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the nature of change appears only as a result of change itself. In other words, the real meaning of any change is hidden inside its implementation and remains unknown, even unrecognisable, until the point of no return.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is not amateurish philosophising about terminology. It takes us to the root of the problem of leftists\u2019 attitude to far-right populism. Leftists mostly perceive it as an outcome of conscious swindle, of dirty tricks done by neoliberal politicians and their media hacks. It\u2019s a familiar image: the illiterate crowd manipulated by rich evil conmen. Partly it is true, but only partly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First of all, this crowd is not \u2018illiterate\u2019. Many of them know a lot \u2013 but the area of their knowledge and interest is outside regular contemporary western ways of thinking. The right-wing populist crowd is irrational, but it insists on its \u2018real, true rationality\u2019 against the \u2018fake rationality\u2019 of the liberal state of things, which is \u2018stupid and irrational\u2019 (from their point of view).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Key words, or \u2018political discourse\u2019, can play a crucial role. Which is why it is so important to rehabilitate the positive meaning of the term \u2018socialism\u2019, especially in the US<\/strong> \u2013
KIRILL KOBRIN<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

It means the initial tiredness and irritation of so many people when they face injustice, inequality and the incompetence of the state and institutions, including the idiocy of pop culture and the destruction of the educational system, leads them to want \u2018change\u2019. Any change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Only after they start being involved in this or that political or social movement do they begin to understand its direction. Members of an ultra-right populist crowd elaborate their ideology only while participating with others. Right-wing swindlers may organise the crowd. But the very urge for change, the first public gestures, and the beginning of the individual and collective process of asserting the need for change with a political consequence, happens at the previous level, whether right or left.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In other words, this urge for change itself alters its nature from the psychological to the political in the course of the initial action. And this is the point where key words, or \u2018political discourse\u2019, can play a crucial role. Which is why it is so important to rehabilitate the positive meaning of the term \u2018socialism\u2019, so that we can return to it, especially in the US.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I agree with your use of Raymond Williams\u2019 plural \u2018socialisms\u2019. There are many socialisms; they begin at the same point but later part their ways. The shared point is the idea of a fair \u2013 not fairer \u2013 society based on the balance between individual and collective. Unlike communism, socialisms are not based on the concept of class society, which eventually ends up as a classless paradise. Socialism is closer to the ancient Greek\/Roman idea of \u2018cultivating\u2019 individual and social life, of \u2018self-care\u2019 in modern form. From this perspective, Elizabeth Warren is a socialist \u2013 in my opinion more socialist than, say, Cuban leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I have set this out to hint at the possibility of merging \u2018definite left\u2019 with \u2018socialism\u2019, and the need to combine the \u2018first stage\u2019 of fighting for a fair society with the second one. From this point of view, the definite left agenda is socialist by its nature; the problem is how to move its ideal of \u2018change\u2019. Ideas of democracy, environmental politics, gender equality all already exist in our world, but only as the projection of possibilities that need to be filled with real content.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Politically this can only start in the \u2018change mode\u2019. Otherwise, it would never be accepted by the majority as having something to do with their lives. It starts with progressivism (singular) \u2018amending our social reality\u2019, then moves towards socialisms (plural) aimed at profound change in the nature of this reality. Progressivism tries to make capitalism better; socialisms try to make something better from the material of capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This interview first appeared in issue #240, Summer 2023, Debt. <\/em>Subscribe<\/a> today to get your magazine delivered hot off the press!<\/strong><\/h3>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In an essay in Byline Times<\/a>, openDemocracy co-founder Anthony Barnett celebrated the emergence of what he calls the \u2018definite left\u2019. It triggered a range of responses, including this exchange with the writer, historian and Kremlin critic Kirill Kobrin<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":36,"featured_media":38841,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,2525,2529],"tags":[2679,2678],"class_list":["post-38840","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-europe","category-north-america","category-socialism","tag-anthony-barnett","tag-kirill-kobrin"],"yoast_head":"\nDefinitely maybe? 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