{"id":33779,"date":"2022-11-23T08:00:43","date_gmt":"2022-11-23T08:00:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/?p=33779"},"modified":"2023-10-05T21:20:08","modified_gmt":"2023-10-05T20:20:08","slug":"italy-election-meloni","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/political-parties-and-ideologies\/democracy\/italy-election-meloni\/","title":{"rendered":"A new Italian era: the inevitable rise of Georgia Meloni"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"has-drop-cap\">The greatest tragedy of the far-right\u2019s victory in the Italian general election was its inevitability. Italian electoral law favours coalitions of parties. More than a third of Parliament is <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/2022\/9\/19\/who-is-running-how-voting-works-in-italys-election\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">elected<\/a> through a first-past-the-post electoral system and parties can coalesce around joint candidates. While the right coalesced, progressive parties were divided. As a result, right-wing candidates prevailed in 82 per cent of direct seats.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yet Italians have not turned decisively to the right. Two thirds of seats elected through proportional representation show that more than 50 per cent of voters chose progressive or centrist parties, against 44 per cent for the right-wing coalition. The right didn\u2019t make any gains since the 2018 election and actually <i>lost <\/i>a few hundred thousand since the 2019 European elections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>With 26 per cent of the vote, Giorgia Meloni\u2019s <i>Fratelli d\u2019Italia<\/i> (FdI) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.thelocal.it\/20220927\/giorgia-melonis-far-right-party-set-to-be-declared-italian-election-winner\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emerged as the largest party<\/a>, leading the right wing coalition to 59 per cent of parliamentary seats. Meloni therefore became prime minister \u2013 the first woman in this office \u2013 on 22 October 2022. Despite its modest change in the popular vote, the Italian 2022 general election risks being one of the most consequential.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For one thing, it is the first in 15 years to deliver a clear parliamentary majority. Both the general elections of 2013 and 2018 resulted in hung parliaments and were followed by profound political instability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">A dark mandate<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>The last time there was a clear parliamentary mandate was in 2008 when Berlusconi won a landslide majority, starting four tumultuous years of governments rocked by financial instability and sex scandals. Following his resignation and a brief national unity government, in 2013 and 2018 Italians split in three: Berlusconi\u2019s centre-right coalition, a centre-left coalition organised around the <i>Partito Democratico<\/i> (PD) and the populist <i>Five Star Movement,<\/i> which claimed to be neither left nor right.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Over the decade all parties participated at different times in the government. All except one: Meloni\u2019s <i>FdI<\/i>. Let\u2019s try her too, some people thought, particularly those opposed to Covid-19 vaccines and restrictions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-center rp-full-width rp-quote has-grey-color has-pale-1-background-color has-text-color has-background has-antonio-font-family\" style=\"padding-top:2%;padding-right:2%;padding-bottom:2%;padding-left:2%;font-size:clamp(1.743rem, 1.743rem + ((1vw - 0.2rem) * 1.571), 3rem);\">Meloni is the first Prime Minister rooted in the political tradition of&nbsp; Benito Mussolini\u2019s Fascist Party, which led a dictatorship between the World Wars<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The international significance of that <i>&#8216;ventennio&#8217;<\/i> (Fascist period) of Italian history cannot be understated. As observed also in <a href=\"https:\/\/adamtooze.substack.com\/p\/chartbook-166-19222022-the-centenary\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this essential perspective from Adam Tooze<\/a>, its ideology inspired countless authoritarian regimes, starting from Hitler\u2019s Nazism, and even added the term fascism to the dictionaries of thousand languages worldwide.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Italian democracy is seemingly not at risk. In her first parliamentary speech, she condemned all dictatorships, &#8216;fascism included&#8217;, and labelled Mussolini\u2019s racial laws in 1938 &#8216;the lowest point in Italian history&#8217;. She was trying to distance herself from her past (in her twenties she told a French TV that<a href=\"https:\/\/youmedia.fanpage.it\/video\/al\/YvvMz-SwaRa-lElK?_ga=2.21496888.2002863734.1664724389-690396300.1652889003\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Mussolini was a great politician<\/a>) and that of her party, whose logo features a flame said to symbolise the fascist spirit burning at Mussolini\u2019s tomb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yet, on the same day while Meloni was talking in parliament about being \u2018willing to sympathise with those demonstrating against her\u2019, police <a href=\"https:\/\/theweekinitaly.substack.com\/p\/an-air-of-authority\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">violently repressed<\/a> students protesting against one of her MPs in Rome\u2019s &#8216;La Sapienza&#8217; University. Meloni\u2019s condemnation of the fascists who assaulted Italy\u2019s largest trade union in October 2021 was ambiguous too, suggesting that <a href=\"https:\/\/euroalter.com\/resistance-and-reinvention-whats-next-after-the-italian-elections\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Niccolo Milanese is right in saying<\/a> that \u2018migrants, Roma, racialized groups, LGBTQI+ people, women and trade unionists all have reason to feel at greater risk of violence\u2019 both from the state and the far right.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/opinions\/2022\/9\/24\/elections-why-fascism-still-has-a-hold-on-italy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As pointed out by Barbara Serra<\/a>, unlike Germany, Italy failed to process its historical shame. Every year thousands <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=LX0pK9lWQeA\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">commemorate the march to Rome<\/a> and fascism nostalgia is still ubiquitous in Meloni\u2019s party. The bond with the past goes down generations: the second name of the new President of the Senate La Russa is Benito, chosen by his fascist father to honour Mussolini.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Like La Russa, most of the old elite of FdI had their formative years in the <i>Movimento Sociale Italiano<\/i> (MSI), formed by Mussolini loyalists who fought the antifascist partisans at the end of WWII. Because of this, for 50 years this party was excluded from government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-center rp-full-width rp-quote has-grey-color has-pale-1-background-color has-text-color has-background has-antonio-font-family\" style=\"padding-top:2%;padding-right:2%;padding-bottom:2%;padding-left:2%;font-size:clamp(1.743rem, 1.743rem + ((1vw - 0.2rem) * 1.571), 3rem);\">Antifascism was the founding value of the Italian Republic<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It risks being that no longer. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.newstatesman.com\/podcasts\/world-review-podcast\/2022\/10\/the-political-legacy-of-italian-fascism-with-david-broder\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As noted by David Broder<\/a>, MSI\u2019s exclusion from power generated a sense of victimhood. This was evident in Meloni\u2019s first speech as PM, when she reflected on fascist militants killed by left-wing violence during the 70s but said nothing on violence perpetrated by fascists, both during the <i>\u2018ventennio\u2019<\/i> and throughout the 60s and 70s, when fascist terrorists took dozens of lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Meloni\u2019s attempt to create some sort of equidistance between fascism and antifascism is cheap history<em> \u00e0 la carte<\/em>. She offends the constitution when she neglects to honour the antifascist Resistance that gave Italy its democracy. She may fail to celebrate the 25th of April, the national commemoration of Italian Liberation from Nazi-fascism, and omit to commemorate the socialist leader Giacomo Matteotti on June 10th 2024, the 100th anniversary of his assassination by Mussolini\u2019s henchmen, which ushered in the dictatorship. Any attempt then to rewrite history could and hopefully will undermine her premiership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Meloni and her allies are no newcomers to power. Eleven of her new ministers were in the last Berlusconi government, including Meloni herself. Berlusconi was in fact the political godfather of postfascism\u2019s return to power. Its entry into politics was preceded by his endorsement of postfascist leader Gianfranco Fini in the 1993 Rome mayoral election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Fini and his allies, who rebranded the MSI <i>Alleanza Nazionale<\/i> in 1995, served in all Berlusconi\u2019s governments and in 2008, when he even asked them to co-found his new party <i>Popolo delle Libert\u00e0<\/i>. When in 2012 Berlusconi cancelled a leadership contest where she wanted to stand, Meloni left the <i>Popolo della Libert\u00e0<\/i> to found <i>Fratelli d\u2019Italia<\/i>. Ten years later she brought down the curtain on his 30 years-long domination of the Italian Right.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Whilst <i>Forza Italia<\/i> is crucial for the government\u2019s majority, it is unlikely that Berlusconi will pull its support as Meloni\u2019s foreign minister and vice-premier Antonio Tajani (a former European Commissioner and president of the European Parliament) is the leader of Berlusconi\u2019s party in Parliament. Meanwhile, Berlusconi\u2019s age and unpopular excuses for Putin\u2019s war in Ukraine are likely to marginalise him further.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Neoliberal failures<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Meloni adopted the far-right narrative introduced by Trump, Orban and others in response to the failure of neoliberalism. Her signature slogan \u2018I am Giorgia, I&#8217;m a mother, I&#8217;m Italian, I&#8217;m Christian\u2019 &#8212; which even became a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=fhwUMDX4K8o\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dance track<\/a> \u2013 is a rearrangement of the traditional trittic <i>God, Country and Family<\/i>. Meloni calls her ideology <i>national conservatism<\/i>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/world\/giorgia-meloni-fascism-mussolini\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As noted by Paolo Gerbaudo<\/a> &#8216;it\u2019s the official ideology of the European Conservatives and Reformists Party (ECR), an alliance in the European Parliament that<a href=\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/article\/italy-giorgia-meloni-ecr-president-european-parliament\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Meloni has led since 2020<\/a>. ECR combines radical social and cultural conservatism with moderate Euroscepticism, and counts among its members Poland\u2019s long-ruling Law and Justice Party, the Sweden Democrats, and Spain\u2019s far-right Vox party.&#8217;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Like her European counterparts, Meloni will fight culture wars against progressive values, rights of migrants and minorities \u2013 as demonstrated by her pick of ministers. These include an anti-abortionist as Minister for Family and a professor known for blaming immigration for the fall of the Roman Empire as Minister for Education.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"has-text-align-center rp-full-width rp-quote has-grey-color has-pale-1-background-color has-text-color has-background has-antonio-font-family\" style=\"padding-top:2%;padding-right:2%;padding-bottom:2%;padding-left:2%;font-size:clamp(1.743rem, 1.743rem + ((1vw - 0.2rem) * 1.571), 3rem);\">Like her European counterparts, Meloni will fight culture wars against progressive values, rights of migrants and minorities<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yet on the socio-economic agenda Meloni is likely to shift modestly from Draghi, prioritising more tax cuts over welfare spending to appeal to her electoral base of self-employed and business owners. She is unlikely to follow &#8216;Trussonomics-style&#8217; class warfare, not least because she is constrained by EU rules. In fact she will benefit from the EU-funded grants to fund the climate transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Meloni doesn\u2019t seem very concerned by the climate emergency. Tellingly, she <a href=\"https:\/\/decode39.com\/4667\/pichetto-fratin-italy-energy-security-ecological-transition-cingolani\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">renamed<\/a> the Ministry for the Ecological Transition &#8216;Ministry for Energy Security&#8217;. Her priorities are clarified by the appointment of Defence Minister Guido Crosetto, who only resigned as lobbyist for the association of the Italian arm industry the day before assuming office. Indifference to potential conflicts of interests characterise Meloni\u2019s sovereignist agenda, unscrupulously on the side of national capital.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Divided resistance<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>In the short term, the Italian left is unlikely to challenge the government. Progressive voters split their support in three and the bad blood among former leaders was sufficient to divide the progressive electorate and pave the way for the Right victory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Class and geography also divide progressives with young, poor and working people in the South preferring the Five Star Movement, whilst the old progressive middle class in the centre and North predominantly for the <em>Partito Democratico<\/em>. Centrist support was highest among the well-off in city centres. An ecosocialist list allied to the PD obtained 3.5 per cent, mostly from young precarious workers, electing a small contingent of working class MPs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Policy differences in the progressive camp were hardly insurmountable. With all parties supporting migrant rights, the EU and Ukraine, differences related to the socio-economic agenda. Renzi\u2019s centrist list wanted to scrap an unemployment benefit introduced by the Five-Star-Movement in 2018, when they entered a populist alliance with Salvini\u2019s <i>League<\/i>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The movement campaigned vigorously to defend it, yet it lost 6.5 million votes, a figure close to the number of new abstentions, mostly among disillusioned unemployed and low-income voters, with democratic participation at its historical low (63.8 per cent). Democratic apathy is the real risk for Italian democracy in the coming years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yet, a civic, cultural and social backslash to Meloni\u2019s reactionary agenda is bound to develop across Italian squares. Italian progressives must seize that moment to transform a necessary resistance into an overdue resurgence.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Can the newly elected postfascist Italian leader Giorgia Meloni last, asks Andrea Pisauro<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":35,"featured_media":39129,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2269,2],"tags":[2698],"class_list":["post-33779","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-democracy","category-europe","tag-andrea-pisauro"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.1.1 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>A new Italian era: the inevitable rise of Georgia Meloni - Red Pepper<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/rpdev2023.redpepper.org.uk\/political-parties-and-ideologies\/democracy\/italy-election-meloni\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"A new Italian era: the inevitable rise of Georgia Meloni - 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