{"id":16799,"date":"2015-09-06T21:13:00","date_gmt":"2015-09-06T20:13:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/?p=16799"},"modified":"2023-10-14T22:18:10","modified_gmt":"2023-10-14T21:18:10","slug":"1983-the-biggest-myth-in-labour-party-history","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.redpepper.org.uk\/political-parties-and-ideologies\/labour-party\/1983-the-biggest-myth-in-labour-party-history\/","title":{"rendered":"1983: the biggest myth in Labour Party history"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Jeremy Corbyn is unelectable. We know this because his ideas were emphatically rejected in the 1983 general election. His youthful supporters are ignorant of history. Labour will be obliterated if it moves left, just like 1983. It will be an act of political suicide, just like 1983. It will be an apocalypse, there will be fire and brimstone, humans will be wiped out and the world itself will explode \u2013 just like 1983.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That\u2019s a pr\u00e9cis of every anti-Corbyn op-ed and every has-been politician\u2019s warning, repeated repeatedly from the moment opinion polls signalled that something was going on in the Labour leadership contest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MYTH: Labour lost the 1983 election because it was too left wing<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

But Labour didn\u2019t lose in 1983 because it was too left wing; rather, Thatcher won because of the Falklands War. The \u2018Falklands factor\u2019 could not be clearer from opinion polls<\/a>. Prior to the war of April-June 1982, the Conservative Party was slumped at a consistent 27 per cent throughout late 1981, with a slight recovery in early 1982. But the Tories\u2019 popularity shot up spectacularly with the war, hitting 51 per cent in May and remaining above 40 per cent right through to the general election. Labour under Michael Foot supported the government\u2019s Falklands action; the Tory boost was not because Labour was anti-war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These days, Tony Blair insists that \u2018Those of us who lived through the turmoil of the \u201880s know every line of [Corbyn\u2019s] script. These are policies from the past that were rejected not because they were too principled, but because a majority of the British people thought they didn\u2019t work.\u2019 But at the time, according to the journalist Michael Cockerell, Blair drew a different lesson, as he reportedly told Robin Cook<\/a>: \u2018The thing I learned\u2026 is that wars make prime ministers popular.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\u2019s easy to see how he came to that tragic conclusion. Before the Falklands, Thatcher was the most unpopular<\/a> prime minister since records began. But immediately after it, in June 1982, she scored the highest satisfaction rating<\/a> she would ever achieve with 59 per cent approval. Thatcher wrote in her memoirs: \u2018It is no exaggeration to say that the outcome of the Falklands War transformed the British political scene\u2026 The so-called \u201cFalklands factor\u201d\u2026 was real enough. I could feel the impact of the victory wherever I went.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A fawning media began to build a \u2018Maggie\u2019 personality cult. She dominated the 1983 election campaign \u2013 \u2018The issue is Thatcher,\u2019 declared the Economist; \u2018Now is the hour. Maggie is the man,\u2019 said the Express.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Falklands War took place against the background of an economy that had begun to recover from a sharp, self-inflicted recession<\/a>. Although the effects of Thatcher\u2019s disastrous early economic policy were still being felt, the Conservatives were clever in linking the statistical upturn and the war as part of a grand narrative claiming that Thatcher had reversed Britain\u2019s national and imperial decline. \u2018The years of retreat are over,\u2019 said Nigel Lawson, commenting on the Falklands. \u2018And exactly the same is true in the economic and industrial sphere.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MYTH: The split in the Labour Party was the left\u2019s fault<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Although the \u2018Falklands factor\u2019 was probably enough to win the election for the Conservatives, their victory was assured by the split anti-Tory vote. In 1981 Labour right-wingers broke off to form the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Under first-past-the-post the SDP won a negligible six seats in 1983, despite a strong showing in the popular vote. But the effect of the new party was to hand marginal constituencies to the Tories, who won 65 more seats despite receiving 700,000 fewer votes than they had secured in the previous election.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conventional political unwisdom blames this on the left. The Labour right broke away \u2018because the left wing of the party, people like Tony Benn, had taken over the party, dragged it to the left and made it completely unelectable,\u2019 said the Huffington Post<\/em>\u2019s political reporter Owen Bennett in a recent debate<\/a> with Owen Jones on Sky News. \u2018You\u2019ve only got to look at history, I don\u2019t understand why you\u2019re blaming the right of the party,\u2019 he exclaimed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aside from the obvious point that the Labour left has endured many years of right dominance without splitting, Bennett\u2019s interpretation would be considered superficial even by Roy Jenkins, the driving force behind the SDP, who wrote in his memoirs that the new party was a reaction to the Wilson-Callaghan government, and a move he had been considering since 1974. \u2018While the subsequent and already foreseeable excesses of Bennery both justified and made easier our breakaway action,\u2019 he wrote, \u2018they were not the basic cause of the social democratic revolt, which came earlier and went deeper.\u2019<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If we really \u2018look at history\u2019 we see that the post-war consensus had broken down as the economic terrain on which it was built had shifted. The SDP, Labour\u2019s move to the left and the Tories\u2019 move to the right were the political consequences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MYTH: The left made Labour unpopular<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Labour faces the wrath of the media and the establishment whenever it moves an inch leftwards. Inevitably that scares some voters away. So here\u2019s a surprising result: the high water mark for the Labour left \u2013 the point by which it had apparently rendered the party \u2018completely unelectable\u2019 \u2013 was the October 1980 party conference. At that time, amid a press onslaught against Benn, Labour\u2019s poll lead was a massive 50 per cent to the Tories\u2019 36.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Labour still enjoyed an advantage of 42 per cent to 28 a year later when Benn narrowly lost a deputy leadership contest to Denis Healey. But from then on the left was in decline \u2013 along with Labour\u2019s poll ratings. In September 1982 Benn said in his diaries: \u2018Compared to last year, when the left was riding high with successes everywhere, this year the left is very much tail-between-legs.\u2019 By February 1983 he was \u2018very, very depressed\u2019.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of course a correlation between the wane of the left and the party\u2019s fall in the polls doesn\u2019t mean the two were linked. The public was not avidly following the twists and turns of Labour\u2019s internal democracy. But if left supremacy alone is supposed to make Labour less popular, this chronology provides no evidence for it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It might be objected that Labour\u2019s 1983 manifesto contained many left policies, and that Labour lost support between its publication and the ballot. But it\u2019s unlikely that the manifesto \u2013 which, as always, few people actually read \u2013 had more impact in those final weeks than hostile press coverage, a shambolically run election campaign, and the fact that Michael Foot had a popularity rating of just 24 per cent<\/a>, apparently due to his choice of jacket.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MYTH: Labour could have won if it had moved to the right<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

For those who assert that Labour\u2019s left programme cost it the 1983 election, it must follow that the party could have won had it moved right. We have test cases for this. Labour moved significantly rightwards for the 1987 election \u2013 and lost. It fought the 1992 election from a position still further to the right \u2013 and lost again. It took until 1997 for the \u2018modernisers\u2019 to be \u2018proved\u2019 correct, and only once the Tories had been stripped of all credibility by the ERM debacle<\/a>, endless scandals, infighting and John Major.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The insistence that Labour lost the 1983 election because it was too left-wing ignores the facts and the context. The lazy parallels between 1983 and today vanish on inspection.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Labour’s 1983 election campaign has long been used to say it is impossible for a leader like Jeremy Corbyn to win any election from the left. Alex Nunns digs out the truth<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":57,"featured_media":38114,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1977,315,2529],"tags":[2605],"class_list":["post-16799","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-history","category-labour-party","category-socialism","tag-alex-nunns"],"yoast_head":"\n1983: the biggest myth in Labour Party history - Red Pepper<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Labour's 1983 election campaign has long been used to say it is impossible for a leader like Jeremy Corbyn to win any election from the left.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/rpdev2023.redpepper.org.uk\/political-parties-and-ideologies\/labour-party\/1983-the-biggest-myth-in-labour-party-history\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"1983: the biggest myth in Labour Party history - 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